Tuesday, April 22, 2014

Those who live in glass houses should not throw stones

Delhi Police didn't act during 1984 riots, claims Cobrapost sting

New Delhi: News portal Cobrapost on Tuesday came out with yet another sting operation in the middle of the election campaign. The sting revealed that the Delhi Police did not act during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots.
In the latest sting, Cobrapost claimed that Delhi Police officials admitted to their role in the 1984 riots and said that the police force was taken over by "anti-Sikh sentiments". They revealed that senior officers did not allow them to act against culprits.
They said that police log books were changed and only 2 per cent of the records were maintained. Some police officers refused to file cases.
Cobrapost claimed that the sting was done over the past one year and included then police commissioner SC Tandon and ACP Gautam Kaul.
Reacting to the report, SC Tandon said, "I had tried to control the riots, I had taken all steps. I had deposed before the Nanavati Commission and Justice Ranganath Commission. I had told them that I can't give any statement."
The BJP targeted the Congress, saying that the sting proved that the Congress was behind the riots. "This is true that the Congress leaders were behind the 1984 riots," Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi said.
It seems that the BJP does not remember the saying "Those who live in Glass houses should not throw stone"
Or probably, they are thinking that by throwing stones, the water will become so muddied that there own sins will not be visible.
However, both the Congress, the BJP and the British should remember that as long a India history is remembered, the people will recall the the dastardly deeds in Delhi, Gujarat and at Jalianwalah Bagh by the above parties.

Bloodbath after the Elections

Shiv Sena's Ramdas Kadam targets Muslims at a rally as Modi looks on
Mumbai: The targeting of specific communities is on the rise with a few right wing leaders pouring vitriol in their election speeches. Confident of a BJP-led NDA victory in the Lok Sabha elections, Shiv Sena leader Ramdas Kadam said on Monday that "Muslims" who vandalised police vehicles, damaged public property and attacked women police personnel during the Azad Maidan riots in August 2011, "will not be spared".
Kadam added that Narendra Modi will also avenge the attacks on Indian soldiers by Pakistan once he became the Prime Minister.
"Within six months of becoming the PM, Modi will take action against those Pakistanis who have beheaded our soldiers. Manmohan Singh and (Maharashtra CM) Prithviraj Chavan are shamelss, but Modi will not spare those Pakistanis," Kadam said at a rally in Kalyan, Mumbai.
This comes just days after similar remarks by BJP leader Giriraj Singh and VHP leader Pravin Togadia. Togadia, during a rally in Bhavnagar in Gujarat on the weekend, had said that Muslims must be evicted from "Hindu areas".
He even protested outside the house of a Muslim businessman in Rajkot, warning him to vacate the premises within 48 hours. Giriraj, on the other hand, had said that all the Modi detractors must leave the country and go to Pakistan.
While the BJP distanced itself from the remarks, with Modi himself condemning the statements, no apology was forthcoming from the leaders. Giriraj remained defiant, saying he had only "expressed his feelings". Togadia, meanwhile, went on the defensive and denied making the remarks.
The Congress accused the BJP of playing votebank politics. "These vitriolic comments are not good. These are being done only for vote bank. I strongly condemn these statements," Congress leader Digvijaya Singh said.
Kapil Sibal added, "This is all politics. He (Modi) himself gives such statements. He has a forked tongue."
I have said it earlier and am repeating it here, with statements like the above being issued, first by Giriraj Singh, then by Praveen Togadia and now by Ramdas Kadam of the Shiv Sena, there is going to be a bloodbath after the elections if the BJP comes to power.

The man behind Chetan Bhagat - Modi

Dear Chetan Bhagat, many happy returns of the day': Narendra Modi shares selfie the '2 States' author clicked with him

More power to the selfie. It's a wonder BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi knows what a selfie is, leave alone taking the time out of his busy campaigning schedule to click one with one of India's best-selling authors Chetan Bhagat ahead of his birthday on April 22. The veteran leader shared the selfie they clicked on Twitter wishing Bhagat a happy birthday. "Dear @chetan_bhagat, many many happy returns of the day! Sharing the selfie you took last evening", he said in his post.

Now you will understand while Chetan Bhagat's articles are so pro-BJP

Dr. Tanvir Maqbool Dar's Profile -AAP Candidate from Anatnagar in Jammu & Kashmir

Dr. Tanvir Maqbool Dar's Profile

Dr. Tanvir Maqbool Dar was born in 1975 at Nowgam, Shangus, Anantnag, J&K. Ex– registrar orthopaedics city hospital affiliated hospital of sir Ganga Ram Hospital new Delhi. He completed MBBS from Jammu medical college and DNB (Tr) Orthopedics from Deen Dayal Hospital Delhi. Right from his college days, Dr. Tanvir was interested in the social side of his profession. During his training as DNB, he worked with an international organization called CURE CLUB FOOT WORLD WIDE for distribution of free foot braces to the needy. Since 2007, Dr. Tanvir Maqbool Dar has been organizing free medical and health education camps in not only Shangus constitunency but many other states too. Thousands of people especially students benefited from these camps which included free medicine distribution. He also actively participated in anti-smoking, anti -alcohol and de - addiction works. In recognition of his efforts in the social arena of medical field, he was awarded, Bharat Jyoti Award 2012.
Aam Aadmi Party has selected Dr. Tanvir Maqbool Dar for his upright honesty, clean character and his willingness to serve the common man. Educated, dynamic, matured, hard working with humility Dr. Tanvir Maqbool Dar is one a kind leader and Son-of-the- Soil.

The Financial Dealings of Robert Vadra- the Congress Jijaji

KOLAYAT, India—A taciturn man in a black SUV started buying up tracts of arid agricultural land around this small town in the western Indian state of Rajasthan in 2009.
He would sit in the parking lot outside the one-story concrete building that houses the land office and dole out cash for sellers from the back seat, according to real-estate brokers and a local government land official.
The buyer represented by the man in the SUV, according to state land records, was Robert Vadra, a member of India's powerful Nehru-Gandhi political clan, whose Congress party leads the country today and has for much of its more-than-66-year post-colonial history.
Soon after he began buying, the federal government announced plans to promote large-scale solar-energy production, a land-intensive project for which the area was well-suited. He continued buying land, and in 2011 the state, too, announced solar incentives. The value of the land Mr. Vadra bought soared sixfold within three years, a state record of land transactions shows.
State officials say they are investigating whether there were any legal violations, such as exceeding land-purchase limits, in the investments by Mr. Vadra, who is the son-in-law of Congress party President Sonia Gandhi and brother-in-law of Rahul Gandhi, the leader of Congress's campaign in elections now under way.
A spokesman for Mr. Vadra said he is a private citizen who has been subjected to a campaign to malign him for political reasons. "He has acquired and disposed of real estate in exercise of his rights and has obtained no favor or benefit from anyone," the spokesman said. "He has complied with all applicable provisions of law and has nothing further to say."
As Indians go to the polls in a weekslong parliamentary election, a powerful force is resentment by many over the ease with which politicians of most parties, bureaucrats and people close to them have prospered while the country struggles to meet the basic needs of the masses. A growing belief that the economic playing field is tilted too far in favor of those with political connections is helping drive a voter revolt against the ruling Congress party and fueling a surge in support for its main rival, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP.
A Pew Research survey found that 83% of Indians consider corruption a "very big" problem. The subject of corruption is repeatedly discussed on television talk shows and in political speeches. India has endured a stream of abuse-of-power scandals during Congress's 10 years in office, on matters ranging from jobs at the state railway to coal-mining licenses, helicopter purchasing and cellphone bandwidth.
"Never in my lifetime have I seen the kind of cynicism that the current government in Delhi has generated among the middle classes," said Jyotirmaya Sharma, a University of Hyderabad political scientist. "It's phenomenal."
Congress party leaders have acknowledged the voter outcry and said they are doing their best to combat the problem.
As India has urbanized, real-estate investing has become a route to quick wealth for some. People with connections or inside knowledge can position themselves to profit as property changes hands, including by helping speed approvals through a bureaucracy notoriously arbitrary and slow to act.
"A section of India has become prosperous, unimaginably rich," said Sudheendra Kulkarni, a onetime adviser to former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee of the BJP who runs a think tank and is critical of politicians across the spectrum.
It is hard to know how much property people really own. The wealthy and politically connected in India sometimes hold large amounts in the names of others—from servants to shell companies—to avoid tax officials and corruption investigators, said R.H. Tahiliani, former chairman of the India chapter of Transparency International, the global anticorruption group.
No legal authority has accused Mr. Vadra of any wrongdoing. An investigative committee appointed by the state of Haryana's Congress-led government reviewed one transaction questioned by a land official in 2012 and cleared Mr. Vadra. The Congress party said that Mr. Vadra is a private citizen engaged in business and hasn't done anything wrong.
India Against Corruption, an activist group, has criticized some of Mr. Vadra's deals and accused him of enriching himself through transactions with a property developer. The group has called for a new probe of his business that it says would be more politically independent than the one begun in 2012.
The Wall Street Journal found that during the decade Mr. Vadra's in-laws have held sway in New Delhi, the 44-year-old with a high-school education and no experience in property development amassed a large real-estate portfolio. Based on a review of company filings, land records and interviews with property experts, the Journal calculated that through 2012, Mr. Vadra sold more than $12 million of property, and as of then he still held real estate valued at about $42 million. It isn't clear whether Mr. Vadra's companies have sold any more real estate since then because company filings for the past two years aren't available on government websites.
Mr. Vadra married into India's political nobility in 1997 when he wed Priyanka Gandhi, a daughter of Sonia Gandhi and the late Rajiv Gandhi, prime minister from 1984 to 1989. Priyanka Gandhi's great-grandfather was independence leader Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first prime minister. Her grandmother, Indira Gandhi, served as prime minister for 15 years in two stints.
When Congress, with Sonia Gandhi at the helm, retook power from the BJP in 2004, Mr. Vadra was running a small business exporting inexpensive costume jewelry. In late 2007 he went into the real-estate business, forming a firm called Sky Light Hospitality Private Ltd. with less than $2,000, according to company filings at the Registrar of Companies of the Ministry of Corporate Affairs in New Delhi.
Early in 2008, Sky Light bought 3.5 acres of undeveloped land near a highway intersection in the New Delhi suburb of Gurgaon for $1.3 million, according to a sales document. Two months later, Mr. Vadra applied to the Congress-controlled state government for a license to convert the land to commercial use from agricultural. Preliminary permission was granted 18 days later, according to the license application and state approval. With that, the land became far more valuable.
Over the next four years, developer DLF Ltd.poured millions of dollars into Mr. Vadra's company, reported on its balance sheet as "advances." Then in 2012, DLF said it bought the Gurgaon property from Mr. Vadra's company for a total of $9.7 million, most of which it had advanced in the preceding years. It was more than seven times his reported purchase price.
A senior official at the Haryana state land office, Ashok Khemka, looked into the deal and concluded Mr. Vadra's company "did not own the resources to pay" for the land when purchasing it in 2008. Suspecting irregularities, he moved to cancel the deal.
The state's chief minister, a Congress party politician, ordered Mr. Khemka transferred to a position in a state-run agricultural company. The chief minister and his staff didn't respond to requests for comment. Mr. Khemka, a whistleblower in a number of past allegations of corruption, said he has been transferred numerous times in his 22-year civil-service career to foil his gadfly efforts.
According to government filings, Sky Light Hospitality said it paid for the land in 2008 with a loan from state-owned Corporation Bank.In 2012, the bank's then-chairman was quoted by the Times of India as saying there "was no such transaction with us as per our records so far." That official has left the bank and couldn't be reached; the new bank chairman declined to comment.
In a report to the state last year, Mr. Khemka wrote that the 2008 sale of the land to Mr. Vadra's company "was a completely sham transaction." The state-appointed investigative committee looked at the deal and concluded Mr. Vadra did nothing wrong. Congress's political opponents expressed skepticism about the result on the grounds that committee members were state employees subject to transfer or discipline.
Mr. Vadra's Sky Light Hospitality did other deals in New Delhi and the nearby states of Haryana and Rajasthan. In 2008-09, it paid $5.3 million for a 50% interest in a hotel being built by DLF in New Delhi, a hotel valued at $33 million in 2012, according to a DLF calculation that year.
Another company controlled by Mr. Vadra, Sky Light Realty, acquired a penthouse apartment—estimated by brokers to now be worth $5 million—in a complex DLF built in Gurgaon called the Aralias.
That same Vadra company reported in its government filings for fiscal 2009 and 2010 that it bought seven apartments in a luxury complex built by DLF for $870,000.
They were worth close to $6 million at the time, real-estate brokers said. India Against Corruption, a grass-roots movement that has spawned an anticorruption political party called the Aam Admi Party, alleged that the transactions amounted to a ploy for DLF to give the Gandhi family property and money to curry favor. Congress party officials have repeatedly denied the allegation. Rahul Gandhi didn't respond to requests for comment, and a person in his office said he was too busy campaigning to respond.
DLF said Mr. Vadra's group actually paid much more than $870,000—it said the actual price was about $166 a square foot, which would add up to about $7 million. Today, the seven apartments are worth more than $16 million, real-estate brokers said.
Asked for comment, DLF cited a response it made to the anticorruption group, which said in part: "The business relationship of DLF with Mr. Robert Vadra or his companies has been in his capacity as an individual entrepreneur, on a completely transparent and at an arm's length basis. Our business relationship has been conducted to the highest standards of ethics and transparency."
Mr. Vadra's land purchases in Rajasthan state—some of which brokers say were done through the man in the black SUV—began in 2009, at a time when Congress controlled the state's government. Both the state and India's federal governments had just begun discussing policies to promote solar energy, which requires large tracts of land for solar-panel arrays, a senior official involved in developing the Rajasthan policy said.
From 2009 to 2012, Mr. Vadra's companies bought about 2,000 acres in Rajasthan for about $1 million, according to a Journal review of land-office records compiled by the Kolayat land office in Rajasthan state. Much of this property was in the state's northwestern corridor, long regarded by energy experts as a good place for solar-power arrays because of its ample sunshine and relatively cheap land.
In one purchase registered in the land-office books, Mr. Vadra bought 94 acres for $70,000 in January of 2010.
A week later, the federal government unveiled plans to offer extensive tax incentives for solar-power investment. The state followed with more incentives the next year.
"Once our area became a solar-power center, we discovered Mr. Vadra had bought up all of our land cheaply from the farmers," said Arjun Ram Meghwal, a member of parliament from the rival BJP.
As solar firms moved in, the land's value jumped. A property sale by Mr. Vadra's Sky Light Hospitality in January 2012 included most of the 94-acre plot bought in 2010. The sale priced it at 10 times the per-acre purchase price, the Kolayat land office summary of his transactions shows.
In all, Mr. Vadra has sold more than 700 Rajasthan acres, about a third of his holdings in the state, for $2.7 million, according to the summary. That is nearly three times his purchase price for his entire Rajasthan holding, of which his firms still own about 1,200 acres. Their value is more than $4 million, according to a local land official and local brokers.
Land records show Mr. Vadra was represented locally by Mahesh Nagar, who has also represented the Congress party's Mr. Gandhi on at least one occasion.
Mr. Nagar, who is the brother of a Congress party politician, said he didn't personally know either Mr. Vadra or Mr. Gandhi. Interviewed in his office decorated with pictures of Mr. Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, Mr. Nagar said he had been approached by a "facilitator" who gave him authority letters to get lands registered for Messrs. Vadra and Gandhi.
It was Mr. Nagar, said real-estate brokers and a local land official, who handed out money for land sellers from inside a black SUV when Mr. Vadra began acquiring property in Rajasthan. Brokers took turns entering the vehicle, receiving payment for property sellers from Mr. Nagar, and signing documents that local land officials registered within hours, brokers and the land official said.
Mr. Nagar agreed he handled land purchases and sales for Mr. Vadra for several years but said he didn't recall using a black SUV, doing deals in cash or getting documents registered faster than the general public.
Locals say they will never forget those exciting times. "How much land he bought, you can't imagine," said Lalit Ramavat, a local land dealer. "We didn't imagine in our dreams that our land would become so valuable." Mr. Ramavat said he considers Mr. Vadra's interest in his area's land a boon for "farmers who were very poor and needed money."
Word of Mr. Vadra's land deals in Rajasthan has been circulating in the local media for about two years. After the opposition BJP won control of the state government from Congress in December, it ordered an investigation to determine how much land Mr. Vadra had bought and whether he had violated any local land laws, such as a limit on how much land one person or entity can own.
The new BJP administration directed the land office in Kolayat to pull together records of all transactions in the area involving Mr. Vadra. State officials are reviewing them, said a member of the chief minister's cabinet.
Addressing his representation of Mr. Vadra in land deals, Mr. Nagar said, "Who is not dealing in property and land buying?"
He added: "People are targeting Vadra only because he is the son-in-law of Congress chief Sonia Gandhi."
—Saptarishi Dutta contributed to this article.
The above has been sent by Ramniwas Jhalani.

AAP's leftist leanings fail to dissuade India Inc; donations pour in for Arvind Kejriwal

NEW DELHI | MUMBAI | BANGALORE: The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has often been criticised for swerving too much to the left of the political divide, but that hasn't stopped it from winning the support of some members of the business community who are prepared to put their money where their mouths are.

The party, struggling to shed the antibusiness label that it got stuck with after taking a stand against foreign direct investment in retail, has a list of big business donors that includes Chairman and Managing Director of BioconBSE -0.38 % Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw, former Eicher Group chairman Vikram Lal, Bajaj AutoBSE 0.88 % Managing Director Rajiv Bajaj, Transasia Biomedicals MD Suresh H Vazirani and former InfosysBSE -0.32 % board members TV Mohandas Pai and V Balakrishnan. Most have contributed between Rs 20 lakh and Rs 50 lakh to AAP (see table) and figure among the top 100 donors to the party.

So what is it about AAP that seems to have struck a chord with them even as party leader Arvind Kejriwal is often accused of making pronouncements that seem anti-capital and anti-rich?

"It's not about Arvind (Kejriwal), it's what I believe in — that corruption is a 1,000-headed monster that's the source of all that is amiss with our governance. Thus, when Arvind speaks holistically about corruption, it intrinsically resonates with me," Bajaj told ET. 
Although AAP's Maharashtra unit confirmed to ET that Bajaj had recently made a donation, it was unwilling to disclose the amount. Bajaj neither confirmed nor denied this. "Who we support financially is insignificant. That I publicly support Arvind (Kejriwal) is far more meaningful, focus on that," said the Bajaj Auto MD, who has been effusive in his praise for the party's founder recently.

Mazumdar-Shaw is more open about her financial contribution to the party — she gave 20 lakh last month.

"There is a need for this kind of political influence and like all entrepreneurs we need to bring about some change in the political system. You need some intervention and I hope more people promote this change. Because AAP has brought about the single most important change: How can a citizen of this country get justice? Only Aam Aadmi Party has been able to bring this change. And it should be supported," she said.

Such support from business is relatively new. AAP leaders had approached many 'high net worth individuals' for financial help at the time of the Delhi elections last year, but many did not come forward fearing persecution by political parties in power, said AAP sources.

Although donations picked up after its stunning electoral debut in Delhi, Kejriwal's dharna while serving as chief minister and his subsequent resignation distanced the party from fence-sitters in the corporate world.

"But, once again, that's changing. Our leaders have been actively engaging with businessmen to dispel myths about AAP and this has worked. Some of the biggest donations made in the past two months are from entrepreneurs and companies," said a party member, who did not wish to be identified. AAP's last biggest donation came from Natasha Lal, wife of Eicher Group head Siddhartha Lal, who gave Rs 50 lakh last week. AAP leader Pankaj Gupta, who is in charge of party finances, was not reachable for comment despite repeated attempts.

Although the party has collected almost Rs 30 crore for the Lok Sabha elections, that's still short of the Rs 100 crore target it had set for itself. AAP hopes this newfound support from big business will encourage others from the community to do the same. Vazirani said he's doing his bit on this front.

"I strongly urge all entrepreneurs to come forth and support AAP with their mind, heart and resources. This is our only hope. From my personal experiences as an industrialist who has worked in India, the US, Europe and Russia, I can tell you that businesses can thrive only when our country thrives. And India can thrive only when it gets freed from the shackles of corruption and communalism that are holding it back from becoming a great nation," said Vazirani, who has donated Rs 30 lakh to the party. 

Monday, April 21, 2014

Comparing Narendra Modi with Arvind Kejriwal

Is Arvind Kejriwal dangerous for India? Pran Kurup

Guest Post by PRAN KURUP
Who is more dangerous for India – Arvind Kejriwal or Narendra Modi? This is a question that India needs to answer. But a recent article titled ‘Arvind Kejriwal: The most dangerous man in India’ has ventured to supply a one-sided answer to this question. The title is as catchy as it is misleading if not subversive. The ensuing ‘analysis’ is sadly not borne out by facts but relies on obfuscation and rhetoric. The tragic outcome is that many pertinent facts have been buried beneath the rubble of unsubstantiated allegations and sinister accusations. On the whole the article is an anti-Kejriwal diatribe disguised as an intellectual treatise.
While conferring on Modi the respectable halo of a “firebrand Hindu nationalist”, the writer goes on to indulge in pure speculation and sweeping generalizations about Kejriwal and other AAP leaders.
Here are some samples:
“Kejriwal spent his time in office preening for the cameras.”
“The last thing the country needs is a charismatic populist who portrays foreign investors as exploiters and Indian businessmen as crooks.”
“Journalists who question this shooting-from-the-hip style are immediately dismissed as being on the take.”
“India is better off with Citizen Kejriwal as a maverick on the sidelines rather than as a serious contender for power.”
Every cloud has a silver lining, though. The writer rightly observes that AAP has changed the grammar of Indian politics. However, while conceding that Kejriwal, unlike Modi and Rahul Gandhi, is not a career politician, and describing him as a man of merit, perseverance and raw courage, the writer goes on to add that Kejriwal’s “economic ideas are a blueprint for disaster.” This criticism is prompted by the fact that Kejriwal halved the power tariffs in Delhi and supplied subsidized water to residents. He adds, “He had claimed, without evidence, that private power companies were cooking the books to gouge consumers.” Perhaps, the author should rely on more authentic research before arriving at such conclusions. The AAP government had demanded an audit of the power companies and got it approved within five days, something the BJP and Congress governments could not accomplish in years.
The writer mentions that Kejriwal had passed two tough national level competitive examinations – for entrance to the prestigious IIT (Indian Institute of Technology) and later for the Indian Revenue Service (IRS) job. He agrees that the Jan Lokpal and Swaraj are two “big ideas” for which Kerjiwal deserves credit. Yet he pulls the carpet from beneath the feet of the fledgling AAP by adding a loose observation that ‘India’s gargantuan democracy…..doesn’t usually favor newcomers.” Again, he is completely off the mark. The truth is that Indian democracy has a history of making dramatic choices. It would do well to remember how the DMK came to power in Tamilnadu in 1967 simultaneously winning all the 25 Parliament seats the party had contested, how MGR led the newly formed AIADMK to power in the seventies, and how NTR burst upon the Andhra scene in March 1982 and swept the polls in January 1983.The most recent instance of the AAP’s spectacular success in the Delhi Assembly election is only a case of history repeating itself.
AAP candidates have filed their nominations from over 400 seats (a record in Indian politics) without “the organization, rural name recognition and grassroots support outside Delhi.” Therein lies the beauty of Indian democracy. It echoes what Arvind Kejriwal has been admitting all along, “If the people want it, the candidates will rise from among the people irrespective of organizational structure and resources”.
The writer says, “Despite frequently attacking Modi for using private jets, Kejriwal hopped onto one himself in early March to return to Delhi in time for a speech at a high-profile media conclave.” conveniently ignoring the critical fact that Kejriwal disclosed who arranged for his flight while the source of funds for Modi’s incessant jet setting campaign trips on corporate sponsored jets remains a mystery.
The writer opines “Countries became rich before they became clean…” implying that we should focus on getting rich and corruption will automatically fade away – a variation of the failed US Republican theory of trickledown economics perhaps? Please, thank you, but no thank you. Nowhere has the AAP argued that we should stop growing the economy while fixing corruption. In fact, a survey conducted by TOI showed a noticeable decrease in corruption even during the brief AAP rule in Delhi.
The writer seems to be particularly irked by Kerjiwal’s decision to run against Modi in Varansai. If the so-called Modi wave is in the ascendant, why should anybody worry about a puny challenger like Kejriwal? Besides, why should Modi contest from two constituencies?
Most importantly, the writer has little to say about Modi completely avoiding the media. If Modi has such a stellar record why won’t he speak to the media? Why won’t he take up Kejriwal’s offer for an open debate? In this day and age when communication technologies are revolutionizing the world does India need a leader who won’t speak to them, a leader who has nothing to say on the critical issues du jour – article 377 , oil and gas price, jobs, farmer suicides, FDI in retail, to name a few.
The AAP leadership has articulated that India’s number one enemy is corruption, followed by dynasty politics, communal elements and criminals in parliament – none of which seems to have caught the writer’s attention. If this makes Arvind Kejriwal dangerous for India, most Indians would say, “so be it”.
Who is more dangerous – a down to earth, outspoken, fearless leader or one who gallavants on corporate sponsored jets from one snazzy campaign venue to another with a carefully crafted public image fueled by unaccounted PR expenses?
This is a decision that the people of India will soon have to make. Let’s wait and see.
Pran Kurup is an entrepreneur, technology enthusiast and keen follower of politics. He writes a popular blog http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/outsideedge/
The basic difference between the two as, as I see it is, Modi divides India and Kejriwal unites India